I stop temporarily the analysis of revisionism and its development in de international communist movement.
I think that for the development of an real anti-imperialist ideology in the working class living in imperialist centers and for the theorizing of the spontaneous anti-imperialist ideology of all forms of objective resistance at imperialism (however not always subjectively or consciously reasoned or theorized) it is urgent that there will be an analyse of actual imperialism. And that actual and concrete analyse will be the base of the development of the strategy, say the program that the real vanguard of the working class will make by agitation, propaganda and discussion the strategy, the program of the WHOLE working class for their revolutionary struggle against imperialism (the last possible stage of capitalism)
I think that for the development of an real anti-imperialist ideology in the working class living in imperialist centers and for the theorizing of the spontaneous anti-imperialist ideology of all forms of objective resistance at imperialism (however not always subjectively or consciously reasoned or theorized) it is urgent that there will be an analyse of actual imperialism. And that actual and concrete analyse will be the base of the development of the strategy, say the program that the real vanguard of the working class will make by agitation, propaganda and discussion the strategy, the program of the WHOLE working class for their revolutionary struggle against imperialism (the last possible stage of capitalism)
In a speech in Great Britain, Dyab Abu Jahjah sketched the actual situation of the anti-imperialist resistance in the Arab region. He explained that the organisations that organized most people, and were able to resist to the attacks of the Zionist armed troops of « Israel » and could actual force those troops to a retreat, WITHOUT reaching the imperialist or Zionist objective of their attacks, and with somehow an anti-imperialist ideology, were organisations with a « sectarian line ».
My question to Dyab was: «Do you have a sight on what the so-called vanguard in the region is doing: Popular Front of Palestine? Communist party of Lebanon? How are they trying to get a respected vanguard position at the moment that the most respected vanguard position is at this moment at those “anti-imperialist acting and mass-mobilising organisations but remaining on a sectarian line? »
His answer was short: «These organisations you named are moribund and have nothing to do with being a vanguard. »
My question to Dyab was: «Do you have a sight on what the so-called vanguard in the region is doing: Popular Front of Palestine? Communist party of Lebanon? How are they trying to get a respected vanguard position at the moment that the most respected vanguard position is at this moment at those “anti-imperialist acting and mass-mobilising organisations but remaining on a sectarian line? »
His answer was short: «These organisations you named are moribund and have nothing to do with being a vanguard. »
And indeed when I read some texts (those in French, because most is in Arab, for me unable to read) of the communist party of Lebanon and when I read the program (dated from 1993) of the PFLP, my opinion is that those organisations are at least « contaminated » with opportunism. They have opportunist conceptions about Marxist analysis. Opportunism appears therefore also in their analyses themselves.
I will comment and analyse the program of the PFLP later on, but now just some points
At one hand the PFLP (while saying that it is an marxist organisation and a vanguard organisation) is developing narrow nationalism and gives as such not a real vanguard contribution in analyse to the OBJECTIVE (in deeds and practice antiimperialist but not consciously) anti-imperialist resistance in the region:
I will comment and analyse the program of the PFLP later on, but now just some points
At one hand the PFLP (while saying that it is an marxist organisation and a vanguard organisation) is developing narrow nationalism and gives as such not a real vanguard contribution in analyse to the OBJECTIVE (in deeds and practice antiimperialist but not consciously) anti-imperialist resistance in the region:
“The PFLP is guided by historical and dialectical materialism; the progressive aspects of the intellectual and cultural heritage of the Palestinian people and their glorious traditions of struggle; and the progressive aspects of the intellectual and cultural heritage of the Arab nation and all humanity.
The PFLP is considered a progressive vanguard organization of the Palestinian working class. It struggles along with the other leftist Palstinian organizations to build a working class party which recruits this class to shoulder its historical role in liberating the Palestinian masses from national and class enslavement. Included in its ranks are the elements of the peasants, toilers, intellectuals and national bourgeois who are most progressive, determined and ready to give sacrifices, as well as all who aspire to national independence, progress, democracy and socialism.
The PFLP struggles to accomplish the transitional aims of repatriation, self-determination and an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital. It adheres to its strategic aim of establishing a democratic state on all the Palestinian soil. Its final aim is to establish democratic socialism in Palestine.[1] “
The PFLP is considered a progressive vanguard organization of the Palestinian working class. It struggles along with the other leftist Palstinian organizations to build a working class party which recruits this class to shoulder its historical role in liberating the Palestinian masses from national and class enslavement. Included in its ranks are the elements of the peasants, toilers, intellectuals and national bourgeois who are most progressive, determined and ready to give sacrifices, as well as all who aspire to national independence, progress, democracy and socialism.
The PFLP struggles to accomplish the transitional aims of repatriation, self-determination and an independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital. It adheres to its strategic aim of establishing a democratic state on all the Palestinian soil. Its final aim is to establish democratic socialism in Palestine.[1] “
At the other hand the PFLP recognises FORMAL, the need of an pan-arabic nationalist (over the borders drawn by the colonisator and therefor OBJECTIVELY) anti-imperialist organisation but it gives no real ideological and analysing contribution to that, and so leaving the place to the development to panarabic oriented nationalist organisation who are in PRACTICE anti-imperialist but ideological rather “religious” (as the principles of the islam are the unifying nationalist culture).
The same opportunism I remarked in the KKE (communist party of Greece) and the Workers Party of Belgium.
About the Workers Party of Belgium I analysed already a lot (as you can see beginning here). About the KKE I now just want to give some points (and do the overall analyse of the KKE later on).
The KKE say that it is a real communist party based on Marxist analyses but to my opinion in their programme, the KKE develops to my opinion rather narrow nationalism (accepting the frontiers of a “nation”, drawn by imperialism and colonialism):
About the Workers Party of Belgium I analysed already a lot (as you can see beginning here). About the KKE I now just want to give some points (and do the overall analyse of the KKE later on).
The KKE say that it is a real communist party based on Marxist analyses but to my opinion in their programme, the KKE develops to my opinion rather narrow nationalism (accepting the frontiers of a “nation”, drawn by imperialism and colonialism):
«KKE, a profoundly patriotic party, is the genuine and worthy inheritor of the national, democratic and revolutionary traditions of the Greek people. It fights against every manifestation of fascism, nationalism, chauvinism and racism. It defends the rights of minorities and migrants.
Throughout its history, KKE has linked the struggle for socialism with the struggle for national independence and democracy, for a Greece independent of imperialist economic, political and military organisations. It refuted the theory of Greece as a “poor relative”. It proved that the Greek people can rely first of all on its own material and intellectual forces. Communists were in the front ranks during the heroic years of EAM and the National Resistance and in the fight of the Democratic Army. »
(…)
« KKE has proven to be a consistent and steadfast defender of the culture of the Greek people. » …
« KKE Programme presents, along general lines, its overall strategy for socialism and the main tasks of the class struggle.[2] »
Throughout its history, KKE has linked the struggle for socialism with the struggle for national independence and democracy, for a Greece independent of imperialist economic, political and military organisations. It refuted the theory of Greece as a “poor relative”. It proved that the Greek people can rely first of all on its own material and intellectual forces. Communists were in the front ranks during the heroic years of EAM and the National Resistance and in the fight of the Democratic Army. »
(…)
« KKE has proven to be a consistent and steadfast defender of the culture of the Greek people. » …
« KKE Programme presents, along general lines, its overall strategy for socialism and the main tasks of the class struggle.[2] »
In her analyse of the actual world and the actual imperialism, the KKE is pretending that you can « isolate » a Greek capitalism. This is the main argument for their program of revolution IN the boundaries of the Greek nation:
« Greek capitalism is in the last stage of its development, i.e. at its state monopoly level. In our country, the material conditions exist for the socialist transformation. This can be seen in the level of development of Greek capitalism and in its contradictions.
Greece is in an intermediate and dependent position in the world imperialist system. There are historic reasons for this: the slow and difficult beginning of capitalism in Greece, which took place under the direct economic, political and military involvement of powerful capitalist states and under conditions of dependence on foreign capital. Monopoly capitalism appeared in Greece later than in the developed capitalist countries, and after the international imperialist system had already been created, with the result that it rested on a relatively low material and technical base. In the post-dictatorship years, state monopoly capitalism developed further, dependence on foreign monopoly capital and international imperialism grew. During recent decades, particularly during the 1980s, Greece became more organically adapted to the imperialist system within the framework of the European Community (now the European Union) and NATO, through its participation in international inter-state agreements. »
Greece is in an intermediate and dependent position in the world imperialist system. There are historic reasons for this: the slow and difficult beginning of capitalism in Greece, which took place under the direct economic, political and military involvement of powerful capitalist states and under conditions of dependence on foreign capital. Monopoly capitalism appeared in Greece later than in the developed capitalist countries, and after the international imperialist system had already been created, with the result that it rested on a relatively low material and technical base. In the post-dictatorship years, state monopoly capitalism developed further, dependence on foreign monopoly capital and international imperialism grew. During recent decades, particularly during the 1980s, Greece became more organically adapted to the imperialist system within the framework of the European Community (now the European Union) and NATO, through its participation in international inter-state agreements. »
Summarized one can say that those organisations (who declared to be « the vanguard ») make NOT a concrete analyse (based on dialectical and historical materialism) of the actual imperialist stage of capitalism today. So they can never come to a real formulation of the tasks of the revolutionary forces in the world (of which they pretend to be a part of)
Not noticing this opportunism and so not beat it led for the Workers Party of Belgium to the installing of a REVISIONIST leadership that led the former communist party to a REFORMIST party. The same dynamics happen to the KEN (ml) (Kommunistische Eenheidsbeweging Nederland - Marxist-Leninistisch - communist united movement of the Netherlands - Marxist-Leninist) they became the reformist party: Socialist Party-SP (of the Netherlands)
About this I wrote already a lot. (You can follow that analyse starting here with this overview-article)
Not noticing this opportunism and so not beat it led for the Workers Party of Belgium to the installing of a REVISIONIST leadership that led the former communist party to a REFORMIST party. The same dynamics happen to the KEN (ml) (Kommunistische Eenheidsbeweging Nederland - Marxist-Leninistisch - communist united movement of the Netherlands - Marxist-Leninist) they became the reformist party: Socialist Party-SP (of the Netherlands)
About this I wrote already a lot. (You can follow that analyse starting here with this overview-article)
At the same time there exist forces in the world, that organise struggle against imperialism and who based their effective resistance against imperialism on (as I see it) programs or strategy, that is not the result of real Marxist analyse, but based on historical experiences of colonial production relations of imperialism installed by force over them.
When you are looking at the regions in the world, were imperialism is using armed intervention, war and violent repression, the organisations that are the « vanguard » in the practice of organising the most violent attacks AGAINST these aspects of imperialism, in the practice of organising masses in resistance against these aspects of imperialism, those organisations are often NOT self declared communist organisations.
There that anti-imperialist ideology is often a form of nationalism. The progressive aspect of that nationalism is that that « nation » is NOT a country bordered by artificial frontiers that were drawn by colonial powers dividing larger popular masses that lived under equal colonial production relations and putting them against each other as « competitors ». It is a nationalism that is UNIFYING large popular masses in the same fight against the colonial aspects of imperialism.
But I think by them there is a lack of scientific analyse of the actual world, of the actual situation of imperialism, which should lead to strategically, political and organisational conclusions to fight most effectively against imperialism.
Their nationalism is sometimes based on some historical and cultural conceptions formulated sometimes in religious terms.
When you are looking at the regions in the world, were imperialism is using armed intervention, war and violent repression, the organisations that are the « vanguard » in the practice of organising the most violent attacks AGAINST these aspects of imperialism, in the practice of organising masses in resistance against these aspects of imperialism, those organisations are often NOT self declared communist organisations.
There that anti-imperialist ideology is often a form of nationalism. The progressive aspect of that nationalism is that that « nation » is NOT a country bordered by artificial frontiers that were drawn by colonial powers dividing larger popular masses that lived under equal colonial production relations and putting them against each other as « competitors ». It is a nationalism that is UNIFYING large popular masses in the same fight against the colonial aspects of imperialism.
But I think by them there is a lack of scientific analyse of the actual world, of the actual situation of imperialism, which should lead to strategically, political and organisational conclusions to fight most effectively against imperialism.
Their nationalism is sometimes based on some historical and cultural conceptions formulated sometimes in religious terms.
The self declared communist, revolutionary or Marxist organisations are often basing their strategically, political and organisational points on a Marxist-sounding analyse that is made in a very GENERALISING way, using QUOTES of Marx or Lenin. But in their anti-imperialist and revolutionary strategy they are often ACCEPTING as a fact, the ARTIFICIAL borders (drawn by imperialism or colonialism) and countries IN those borders. Those borders are a result of imperialist competition dividing the world in zones of influences.
In fact those « communist » organisations are developing a nationalism that is MORE NARROW than the nationalism I mentioned above, because they accept a former colony, bordered by artificial colonial drawn frontiers, being a « nation » were IN the revolution has to be organised.
So are they weakening real imperialist resistance in advance!
They have all on their bookshelves the book of Lenin « Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism », but they never studied it well.
But now I think it is the moment of discussion with the real vanguard organisations « in the field » to develop a real anti-imperialist line. Perhaps out of such a discussion, some new real communist organisations (being the organised vanguard of the working class) can (re-)appear.
I want to make my contribution in this development of an anti-imperialist line and worked out a first analysis that can be submitted to discussion.
In fact those « communist » organisations are developing a nationalism that is MORE NARROW than the nationalism I mentioned above, because they accept a former colony, bordered by artificial colonial drawn frontiers, being a « nation » were IN the revolution has to be organised.
So are they weakening real imperialist resistance in advance!
They have all on their bookshelves the book of Lenin « Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism », but they never studied it well.
But now I think it is the moment of discussion with the real vanguard organisations « in the field » to develop a real anti-imperialist line. Perhaps out of such a discussion, some new real communist organisations (being the organised vanguard of the working class) can (re-)appear.
I want to make my contribution in this development of an anti-imperialist line and worked out a first analysis that can be submitted to discussion.
The different points treated (As I think to be important) are:
- The capitalist production system functioning concrete in the finals stage of imperialism, the aspect of a socialising of the production
- Competition is not vanishing by further monopoly-forming, but each time reappearing and sometimes aggravating into war situations. It is the FREE competition that is replaced by monopoly.
- The forming and the realising of surplus value, the materialising of the level of exploitation
- The ownership of the means of production (and the production itself, the production technology, the means of distribution of the production) under the final stage of imperialism (itself the ultimate stage of capitalism)
- The question of the concrete capitalist state conform to the level of development of capitalism
- Imperialism sits in a fundamental crisis of overcapacity. Imperialism can only undergo the crisis, putting the weight of the crisis by the working class and the people that live under colonialist production relations installed by imperialism and searching all kinds of temporarily « solutions » which are protecting the further existence of imperialism.
- The working class and her tasks
- The tasks of the vanguard of the working-class
I begin with a (renewed) study of « Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism », written by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.[3].(In a next article)
[1] PFLP 5th National Congress February 1993, Published on Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (http://www.pflp.ps/english)
[3] Written: January-June, 1916. First published in mid-1917 in pamphlet form, Petrograd. Published according to the manuscript and verified with the text of the pamphlet. Source: Lenin’s Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667–766. Transcription\Markup: Tim Delaney & Kevin Goins (2008) Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive 2005, “Marxists Internet Archive”.
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten